The title of Bantu Holomisa’s
biography was not idly chosen. The "general", as he is
often referred to, who has led coups and survived them as well as
several assassination attempts, wants to change "corruption
perpetrated at the highest level" in SA.
To this end, he is calling for a
national convention, like Codesa, of all parties, and civil society,
"to extricate the country from the quagmire it is in and change
the negative image it has as a result of corruption".
Holomisa and the United Democratic
Movement (UDM) that he leads, have already held a preconvention
meeting, attended by nearly all the opposition political parties.
The ANC was invited but did not attend,
"as the party was embroiled in its own leadership contests and
political squabbles", says the peacemaker.
His biographer, Eric Naki, writes "it
is clear that Holomisa’s strength lies in bringing people together.
He has mastered the art of consultation."
Naki, a journalist with more than 30
years’ experience in print and broadcast media, has written this
authorised biography in close collaboration with his subject.
Yet he
does not hesitate to point out Holomisa’s flaws, because the
president of the UDM does not shy away from self-criticism —
neither in our interview nor in the book.
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In 57 pages of appendices, we read a
document entitled The Rise and Fall of Bantu Holomisa. It was
produced by the ANC and extensively circulated locally and
internationally — for Holomisa had a high public profile — after
the governing party had expelled him.
Jeremy Cronin, the former first deputy
secretary of the South African Communist Party, authored it and
admitted in it that Holomisa, "emerged as one of the most
popular of our [ANC] leaders". Cronin has since publicly
regretted his role in the document.
Holomisa did not hesitate to hit back
with his own exposition, called Comrades in Corruption. That was in
1996 and 21 years later, his words — "dark and ominous clouds
are lurking on the horizon, signifying the worst intolerance this
country has ever experienced" — were remarkably prescient.
This is particularly so when you
consider that Nelson Mandela was president and our rainbow nation was
basking in the glow of a negotiated (Codesa) settlement and the
iconic international status of its leader.
But, if there is one word that sticks
in Holomisa’s craw, it is corruption. He knew it existed in the
ANC.
It was his submission against the ANC’s
wishes to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission — in which he
wrote about former Transkei prime minister George Matanzima’s
acceptance of a R2m bribe from hotelier Sol Kerzner for exclusive
gambling rights — that got him expelled.
When Holomisa and his generals
discovered that the new prime minister, Stella Sigcau, was also
bribed, she too was asked to resign and was removed, like her
predecessor, in a bloodless military coup. Holomisa recounts that
when he came to power, he "personally pursued Sol Kerzner and
his associates". He asked the apartheid government to extradite
Kerzner, but Pretoria refused to do so.
He writes, "some top ANC
politicians were bribed into silence too". Proof of this, he
says, lies in president Mandela’s government withdrawing the
(bribery) charges against Kerzner after he had "contributed
heavily to the ANC’s election campaign funds".
The pain and humiliation of Holomisa’s
expulsion in 1996 was underscored "when the ANC government
suddenly decided to keep my retirement pension but gave it to all the
other homeland leaders".
Holomisa struggled to make ends meet
for his family, could not educate his children and his insurance
policies lapsed.
His suffering was all the greater
because the relationship between him and Mandela was so close that
the icon referred to him as "my son".
Holomisa writes about visiting Mandela
at his Soweto home after he was released from prison. Mandela’s
wife at the time, Winnie, worried about his safety, so Holomisa
dispatched two members of his Transkei Defence Force as bodyguards.
He accompanied Mandela on overseas
visits and was sent abroad on missions for him. When people asked why
Mandela had so much confidence in him, part of the reason, writes
Naki, was Holomisa’s trustworthiness, "and his frank and
honest opinion".
Holomisa became Madiba’s "battering
ram" at the Codesa negotiations. When the National Party made
proposals "that Mandela disliked, he would let Holomisa deal
with it".
At a time when hostels were sites of
brutality, the violence between migrant workers from KwaZulu-Natal
and Soweto residents, often alluded to as Inkatha against the ANC,
"was also being fanned by the apartheid security forces".
Original review on: www.businesslive.co.za
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